Presidential Address at the 17th National Convention of the PUCL, Ranchi
Oct 01, 2025By Kavita Srivastava
A warm welcome to all the delegates of the 17th National Convention!
What has changed since May 2023, since the last 16th national convention held in Bengaluru? I think the last two years has seen our bonding grow. Together we have shared a lot of joy, hope, grief and pain and struggled together to ensure some sort of justice, which is getting increasingly difficult. Despite doors of democracy almost closing around us, we have tried to peacefully address the issues of human rights violations which have increased manifold.
The issues look the same, almost repetitive. You could say, why go on and on about it, when it is the same. But if you actually look at what is happening, it is not the same. Yes, the scale has increased, it is much more. But what has changed from earlier is that not only has the form of that violence changed, but it is now also seemingly on autopilot, becoming more and more permanent with no solution in sight.
Let us see some of the issues:
- Detentions in Kashmir continue.
- Use of bulldozer justice continues, despite SC orders.
- Singling out Muslims in the name of being Bangladeshis continues. But the form post-Pehlgam was not only that several thousands of Muslims were detained but also deported to Bangladesh in thousands.
- Missing voters of yesteryears is now going to move to deregistering of voters through SIR and the making of stateless people. We can see the active participation of the State in this.
- Blocking of social media accounts continues. The only thing is that it has increased manifold.
- Killings of Adivasis in the name of Maoism continues. But the agenda is now to finish Maoism, whatever be the damages and lives lost.
- Hate Speech against Muslims has increased manifold, so much that it has become normalised and goes unchecked, with hardly any state action.
- Active SC intervention in converting Masjid properties to temples.
- Deforestation and denotifying forest for mining and commercial purposes continues.
- Manipur still burns and though I will not address the issue here, I would like to request colleagues to follow the important work of the Independent People’s Tribunal on Manipur.
Let us take a quick glance at some of the above.
Detentions in Kashmir
Following the Pahalgam terror attack on April 22, 2025, which claimed the lives of 26 civilians, security forces launched a widespread and aggressive crackdown across the Kashmir Valley. This has disproportionately impacted Muslim civilians, particularly youth, in what appears to be a blanket securitised response.
Scale of Detentions:
- Around 1,500 Muslim youth have reportedly been questioned or detained across districts like Anantnag, Pulwama, Kulgam, Shopian, and Srinagar.
- In Anantnag district alone, 175 individuals were detained in coordinated cordon-and-search operations involving police, CRPF, Army, and intelligence agencies.
- In Srinagar, the homes of 65 suspects, including so-called overground workers and family members of alleged militants, were searched.
Targeting and Profiling:
- The crackdown appears to be indiscriminately targeting Muslim families, often based on vague allegations of “sympathising with militants.”
- Many of those detained or questioned are relatives of men who went missing years ago, some with documented police reports.
- Entire neighbourhoods and villages in South Kashmir—a Muslim-majority region—have been subjected to raids, intimidation, and surveillance.
- Locals have alleged harassment, intimidation, and coercion, with people being picked up without formal charges.
- No official statements have clarified the legal basis of these detentions or whether those held have been granted access to legal counsel or their families.
Families speak of a climate of fear and helplessness, where collective punishment is becoming normalized. The mass detentions raise concerns of violations of Articles 14, 19, and 21 of the Indian Constitution, which guarantee equality before the law, freedom of expression, and personal liberty.
Bulldozer Justice Continues: Contradiction with Supreme Court Orders
In the aftermath of the Pahalgam terror attack that killed 26 civilians on April 22, security forces in Jammu and Kashmir have launched a sweeping crackdown across the Valley. This has included the demolition of at least eight houses belonging to suspected militants, using controlled blasts in districts like Pulwama, which caused damage to abutting civilian property. Shopian, Kulgam, Kupwara, and Anantnag saw widespread detentions and indiscriminate searching of houses of so-called suspected militant supporters. More than a hundred homes were in a state of siege.
These demolitions starkly contradict the Supreme Court’s repeated directions, particularly the 1st September 2024 judgement that unauthorized demolitions—especially as a punitive response to alleged criminal activity—are unconstitutional unless conducted strictly under due legal process and with adequate notice. In multiple rulings, including those in the Bulldozer Justice cases, the Supreme Court has cautioned state authorities that demolitions cannot be used as “extra-legal punishment.”
Let us understand that India’s counterterrorism now includes the method of razing homes without due process. The government’s actions risk eroding public trust, escalating alienation, and potentially undermining long-term peace efforts in the Valley.
Crackdown on Refugees and Bengali Muslims
The first bogey of the crackdown in mainland India, post-Pahalgam, were the Rohingya refugees; 40 were thrown into the sea on 9th of June, 2025. India will never forget the lawless way in which Rohingya refugees, all with UNHCR cards, were thrown into the sea, close to the region of Tanintharyi on the East coast of Myanmar, after taking them blindfolded from Port Blair in an Indian Naval ship. All these Rohingyas, Christian and Muslims from Delhi, were first detained in police stations and then flown into Port Blair in an Indian Air Force plane, breaking International law treaties and the Constitution of India. Luckily they survived to tell their story, saved by fishermen about a kilometre from where they were thrown into the sea in life jackets.
What was disconcerting was the refusal of the GOI to explain why it had done this lawless act; worse still, the SC refused to believe the narrative and threatened to throw out the petition when lawyers stood in the SC arguing that their clients had been thrown into the sea just before the hearing. A fear now prevails over the most persecuted of all refugees in the world, the Rohingyas, about 40,000 of them in India (UNHCR Statistics), whether their fate will be the same.
In the wake of the Pahalgam terror attack, a sweeping crackdown labelled large numbers of Bengali Muslims as illegal Bangladeshi migrants—leading to mass detentions and deportations across Gujarat, Delhi, Rajasthan, Assam and other states, without due legal process. Estimates indicate between 1,800 and 2,000 individuals, mostly Muslims, were deported between May and July 2025.
Here is a summary of the operations:
- Gujarat: 1,024 individuals were detained in a coordinated operation in Ahmedabad (890) and Surat (134). These were part of an estimated 6,500+ detentions statewide.
- Delhi NCR: Approximately 520 people were deported following the Pahalgam incident. Over the six months ending in July, about 700–770 individuals were deported.
- Assam: 81 individuals were arrested on “anti-national” charges, though deportation figures are not known.
- Odisha: 447 Bengali-speaking migrants were detained. 403 were released after verification, while 44 remain in jail or have been deported.
- Rajasthan: More than 1,000 were detained from 17 districts and held in six detention centres. A total of 300 were deported in two batches of 150 and 148.
- Nationwide: Around 2,000 people were deported between May 7 and July 3, many of whom were Indian citizens.
Many deportees reported abduction, blindfolding, destruction of ID documents, forced pushbacks, denial of legal representation, and summary removals with no due process.
The Discourse on ‘Ghuspethi’ (Infiltrators) and Electoral Rolls
The discourse on infiltrators continues through the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. On June 24th 2025, the Election Commission of India (EC) issued an Order citing its constitutional mandate to ensure only Indian citizens are registered in the electoral roll. The Order declares the beginning of the Special Intensive Revision in the entire country, starting with Bihar.
The said Guidelines introduce new procedures, which are contrary to the gazetted Rules for Registration of Electors, and set new thresholds for proof of citizenship before being enrolled as voters. It shifts the central process from enumeration of electors to a test of citizenship. So till now we talked of missing names; post-2014 this was a strategy, then came adding voters. Now the strategy is to deregister in the name of citizenship, implementing CAA through the back door. This policy of removing Indian people from voters lists, contrary to the principle of Universal Adult Franchise, will be yet another process of subordinating a section of the people, who will be devoid of any rights.
Increased Blocking of Digital Media Since the Pahalgam Attack
The volume and rapid deployment of these measures mark a new phase of digital control.
- X (Twitter): Received block orders for 8,000 accounts within India, representing a significant spike versus earlier years.
- Instagram: Geoblocking of Pakistani celebrities and Muslim news pages was implemented, an unprecedented breadth compared to earlier cases.
- YouTube: Bans on 16 Pakistani channels and other high-visibility accounts marked a coordinated and large-scale post-attack suppression.
- Legal Detentions: The use of UAPA charges and arrests for social media posts showed a heightened use of stringent laws in minor social posts.
Killings of Adivasis in the name of Maoism
What started in January 2024 of killing Adivasis in the name of being Maoists is continuing brazenly. By May end 2025, the GOI announced operation Karegutta, stating that this marks the end of Naxal violence. In the name of looking for the most dangerous Maoist Hidma, they brought in between 5,000 to 20,000 troops and greyhounds and trapped around 150 to 500 Adivasis, including some Maoists, in the Kargutta Hillside.
The Karregutta operation was launched even as Maoists issued six letters over four months with offers to talk peace. But both the Chhattisgarh and Union governments have demanded that Maoists lay down arms, and have refused to ease operations. In the last 18 months, over 415 alleged Maoists, mostly young Adivasis, and 39 security personnel have been killed.
Hate Crimes in the First Year of the Third Modi Term
A total of 947 hate crime incidents took place in the first year of Modi’s third regime. The largest number took place in UP (217), followed by Maharashtra and MP (100), Uttarakhand (84), Rajasthan (60), and Karnataka (30). Of these, 345 were hate speeches and 602 were hate crimes. Out of the 602 hate crimes, 173 involved physical violence targeted at minorities. In 25 of these, the victim died. All victims were Muslims. Out of the 345 hate speeches made in the year, 178 were made by individuals associated with the BJP.
Conclusion and the Way Forward
From the above it is clear that the intensity of the state attack on the people of India, its residents and culture is on the increase. The state’s power and control over the citizens is increasing manifold. The breakdown of Institutional mechanisms had happened a long time ago, with the complete surrender of the bureaucracy; now it is not just surrender but an active participation of the state. The judiciary is mostly not the platform for justice, including the Supreme Court.
The PUCL has to metamorphosise as the context changes. Our aim and objects, as per the PUCL Constitution written in 1980, must continue to be to “bring together all those who are committed to the defence and promotion of civil liberties in India… and will uphold and promote by peaceful means civil liberties and democratic way of life throughout India.” We have to discuss how to move forward on this.
Eliciting Volunteerism in the Youth
The under-thirty generation is different. It has a short attention span and is unable to grapple with growing unemployment and a sense of despair. How does the PUCL address this generation? The discontentment in the youth, without any path ahead, needs to be looked at creatively and the PUCL needs to rethink its strategy with the under-30s. Muslim, Dalit, Adivasi, Christian and youth of various ethnicities and identities are wanting to rise up and protect their rights when violated as a community. They all want the Constitution to be implemented to the hilt.
Strengthening our Social Media Outreach
The PUCL members have to become social media literate and savvy with the cyber world. We cannot live in denial. Most youth are surviving in the virtual world. We need to understand that and create a lot of new content on social media. As attention span is short, we have to continuously create new content. We have to counter that narrative of hate and divisiveness on social media, on a war footing.
Lastly, we need to do small workshops across India where we sit across a cross-section of people to understand how they are taking on these challenges. We need to build alliances to develop new methods in taking on these challenges, where democracy is under extreme attack. We need to build a fraternity of all those striving to preserve a constitutional vision of India despite all of our differences.
I end with the famous poem of a revolutionary poet we just lost a month ago.
Instead of Depression
By Andrea Gibson (1975 – 2025)
Try calling it hibernation.
Imagine the darkness is a cave
in which you will be nurtured
by doing absolutely nothing.
Hibernating animals don’t even dream.
It’s okay if you can’t imagine
Spring.
Sleep through the alarm
of the world. Name your hopelessness
a quiet hollow, a place you go
to heal, a den you dug,
Sweetheart, instead
of a grave.